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WILLIAM
One evening in 1787 a young English M.P. pored over papers by
candlelight in his home beside the Houses of Parliament.
William Wilberforce had been asked to propose the Abolition of
the Slave Trade although almost all Englishmen thought the Trade
necessary, if nasty, and that economic ruin would follow if it
stopped. Only a very few thought the Slave Trade wrong, evil.
So opened a
fascinating lecture on William Wilberforce given by his
biographer John Pollock at the National Portrait Gallery in
London in 1996.
Wilberforce’s
research pressed him to excruciatingly clear conclusions. “So
enormous, so dreadful,” he told the House of Commons later, “so
irremediable did the Trade’s wickedness appear that my own mind
was completely made up for Abolition. Let the consequences be
what they would, I from this time determined that I would never
rest until I had effected its abolition.”
“That was a
key moment in British and world history,” Pollock told his
audience. “For a few months later, on Sunday, October 28, 1787,
he wrote in his Journal the words that have become famous: ‘God
Almighty has set before me two great objects, the suppression of
the Slave Trade and the Reformation of Manners’—in modern terms,
‘habits, attitudes, morals.’”
Amazingly, no
great reformer in Western history is so little known as William
Wilberforce. His success in the first of the “two great
objects” was described by Pollock as “the greatest moral
achievement of the British people” and by historian G.M.
Trevelyan as “one of the turning events in the history of the
world.” His success in the second was credited by another
historian with saving England from the French Revolution and
demonstrating the character that was to be the foundation of the
Victorian age. An Italian diplomat who saw Wilberforce in
Parliament in his later years recorded that “everyone
contemplates this little old man . . . as the Washington of
humanity.”
Equally
amazingly, Wilberforce’s momentous accomplishments were achieved
in the face of immense odds. As regards the man himself,
Wilberforce was by all accounts an ugly little man with too long
a nose, a relatively weak constitution, and a despised faith—
“evangelicalism” or “enthusiasm.” As regards the task, the
practice of slavery was almost universally accepted and the
slave trade was as important to the economy of the British
Empire as the defense industry is to the United States today.
As regards his opposition, it included powerful mercantile and
colonial vested interests, such national heroes as Admiral Lord
Nelson, and most of the royal family. And as regards his
perseverance, Wilberforce kept on tirelessly for nearly fifty
years before he accomplished his goal.
Constantly
vilified, Wilberforce was twice even waylaid and physically
assaulted. A friend once wrote to him cheerfully: “I shall
expect to read of you carbonadoed by West Indian planters,
barbecued by African merchants and eaten by Guinea captains, but
do not be daunted, for —I Will write your epitaph!”
Perhaps most
amazingly of all, William Wilberforce came within a hair’s
breadth of missing his grand calling altogether. His faith in
Jesus Christ animated his lifelong passion for reform. At one
stage he led or actively participated in sixty-nine different
initiatives, several of world-shaping significance. But when
Wilberforce came to faith through the “Great change” that was
his experience of conversion in 1785 at the age of twenty-five,
his first reaction was to throw over politics for the ministry.
He thought, as millions have thought before and since, that
“spiritual” affairs are far more important than “secular”
affairs.
Fortunately, a
minister— John Newton, the converted slave trader who wrote
“Amazing Grace”— persuaded Wilberforce that God wanted him to
stay in politics rather than enter the ministry. “It’s hoped
and believed,” Newton wrote, “that the Lord has raised you up
for the good of the nation.” After much prayer and thought,
Wilberforce concluded that Newton was right. God was calling
him to champion the liberty of the oppressed— as a
Parliamentarian. “My walk,” he wrote in his journal in 1788,
“is a public one. My business is in the world; and I must mix
in the assemblies of men, or quit the post which Providence
seems to have assigned me.”
Sadly, for
every follower of Christ who, like William Wilberforce, chooses
not to elevate the spiritual at the expense of the secular,
countless others fall for the temptation. Wilberforce’s
celebrated “near miss” therefore leads us to the heart of
understanding the character of calling.
Calling
is the truth that God calls us to himself so decisively that
everything we are, everything we do, and everything we have is
invested with a special devotion, dynamism, and direction lived
out as a response to his summons and service.
First, calling
has a simple and straightforward meaning. In the Old Testament
the Hebrew word that has been translated as “call” usually has
the same everyday meaning as our English word. Human beings
call to each other, to God, and to animals. Animals too can
call. (The psalmist, for example, wrote that God “provides food
for the cattle and for the young ravens when they call.”) Under
the pressure of theology and history, the term call has traveled
a long way from this simple beginning, but this straightforward
sense and its obvious relational setting should never be lost.
When you “call” on the phone, for example, you catch
someone’s ear for a season.
Second, calling
has another important meaning in the Old Testament. To call
means to name, and to name means to call into being or to make.
Thus in the first chapter of Genesis, “God called the light
‘day’ and the darkness he called ‘night’.” “This type of
calling is far more than labeling, hanging a nametag on
something to identify it. Such decisive, creative naming is a
form of making. Thus when God called Israel, he named and
thereby constituted and created Israel his people. Calling is
not only a matter of being and doing what we are but also of
becoming what we are not yet but are called by God to be. Thus
“name-calling”, a very different thing from name-calling, is the
fusion of being and becoming.
Third, calling
gains a further characteristic meaning in the New Testament. It
is almost a synonym for salvation. In this context, calling is
overwhelmingly God’s calling people to himself as followers of
Christ. Just as God called Israel to him as his people, so
Jesus called his disciples. The body of Jesus’ followers as a
whole is the community of the “called-out ones” (the origin of
ecclesia, the Greek word for church). This decisive
calling by God is salvation. Those who are called by God are
first chosen and later justified and glorified. But calling is
the most prominent and accessible of these four initiatives of
God. Not surprisingly it often stands for salvation itself, and
the common description of disciples of Jesus is not “Christian”
but “followers of the Way.”
Fourth,
calling has a vital, extended meaning in the New Testament that
flowers more fully in the later history of the church. God
calls people to himself, but this call is no casual suggestion.
He is so awe inspiring and his summons so commanding that only
one response is appropriate—a response as total and universal as
the authority of the Caller. Thus in the New Testament, as
Jesus calls his followers to himself, he also calls them to
other things and tasks: to peace, to fellowship, to eternal
life, to suffering, and to service. But deeper even than these
particular things, discipleship, which implies “everyone,
everywhere, and in everything,” is the natural and rightful
response to the lordship of Christ. As Paul wrote the followers
of Christ in the little town of Colosse, “Whatever you do, work
at it with all your heart, as working for the Lord, not for
men.”
In short,
calling in the Bible is a central and dynamic theme that becomes
a metaphor for the life of faith itself. To limit the word, as
some insist, to a few texts and to a particular stage in
salvation is to miss the forest for the trees. To be a disciple
of Jesus is to be a “called one” and so to become “a follower of
the Way.” |
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Charles
Péan
Charles Péan, a young French Salvation Army Officer, couldn't
believe what he was seeing. Men were dying of fever,
leprosy was rampant, good food unknown, hearings commonplace.
The
place was Devil's Island, a colony of prison camps in French
Guiana established in 1852 as a so-called "white experiment'.
French convicts were sent to Guiana to perform work once done by
African slaves. The experiment was an easy way to get rid
of dangerous criminals and provide free labor for Guiana.
Reports of maltreatment of the convicts had been filtering back
to France for decades when, in 1928, Charles Péan was asked to
visit the prison camps by the head of the Salvation Army in
France. Péan spent a month in the South American colony,
visiting many sites that made up the complex known as Devil's
Island. He was appalled at what he found, and vowed to
seek reformation.
Men
were compelled to work long hours in the steaming jungles with
no protection against the heat, poisonous snakes or insects such
as mosquitoes and ants. Day after day they were forced to
fell and cut up iron hard trees or break rocks, trying to
reclaim the overgrown sugar plantations that once had been
cleared by African slaves. Animals the men worked
alongside were treated more humanely than the prisoners.
"Devil's Island" was the name given to several prison camps on
the mainland of French Guiana and on three small islands off the
coast: Devil's, Royal and St. Joseph. Escape from the
camps was virtually impossible, for prisoners on the run not
only had to get away from the brutal guards but outwit snakes,
sharks or head hunters. Border patrols in Dutch Guiana to
the west and Brazil to the east had orders to either shoot or
capture escapees.
In
addition to serving their time---which many convicts did not
survive---prisoners had, in effect, a double sentence.
Once their sentence was completed, they were expected to get a
job in the colony and settle there. To make them stay, the
French government doubled their time. A convict imprisoned
for seven years or less also had to spend an equal amount of
time in the colony after his release. Those sentenced to
eight or more years were forced to remain for life.
These
ex-convicts were called libérés, and n some respects were more
pitiful than the convicts in the prison camps. For the few
jobs available pay was poor, not allowing the men to earn enough
for passage home when "doublage" was completed. To survive
they had to beg, scrounge and steal, often having rags for
clothes and no place to live.
Charles Péan found nearly 2,000 libérés in the colony.
They were uppermost in his mind on his journey home as he
pondered the report he would write for his superiors in the
Salvation Army and the French government. He knew doublage
must be abolished and that men without hope should be given
hope. Ultimately, he wanted to see the Devil's Island
complex closed for he considered the prison nothing more than a
colony of white slavery. So he wrote in his report.
Among
Péan's recommendations were the building of hostels for the
libérés and workshops where they could earn the 2,000 francs
needed for passage home. Salvation Army volunteers also
were needed to meet with the men and their families when they
returned to France, and a labor exchange had to be established
so they could find work.
Charles Péan's recommendations were quickly accepted by the
Salvation Army, but the French government was slow to act.
In fact, it took five more years of Péan's time talking to
people and collecting money before he returned to Guiana with a
group of Salvation Army officers to put his plan into action.
Within
a month of Péan's return to Guiana, "Le Maison France," a
hostel, was opened at Cayenne, welcoming men who had all but
given up hope. A restaurant and a workshop helped the
libérés begin earning money to pay for their keep and put aside
for passage. Eight miles west of Cayenne the Army
established a farm, where libérés built huts, cleared the land
and planted crops. They also made money selling exotic
insects to dealers in Europe.
By
1934, Charles Péan knew that the effort to get the libérés home
had to be increased. He established a system where the men
who wanted to return to France could work and have free food and
lodging, and at the end of each month be given a coupon worth
forty francs. When a libéré had collected 20 coupons, the
Army would give him a ticket for passage home.
Péan
himself went back to France to make arrangements for the first
group of convicts to leave Guiana. Thirty-six libérés were
on a mail boat that docked at St. Nazaire, France, in February
1936, and they were met by Salvation Army members who were to
help them over the difficult times ahead. None had seen
family and friends for years; one man had spent 35 years in the
prison colony, but still felt he could start life over at home.
In two years, more than 800 men had returned to France.
But to
Charles Péan, this effort was not enough. He traveled
throughout France speaking out against sending prisoners to
Devil's Island, urging that the prison colony be closed.
Even though some minor reforms were established at the camps,
men still died by the hundreds and suffered in despair.
The
French government finally decided in 1938 that the 'white
experiment' had been a failure and Devil's Island should be
closed. Even so, it was another 14 years before the last
of the libérés returned home and the jungle began to reclaim the
dreaded camps.
Thanks
to Charles Péan, one who believed, some 2,000 libérés made it
back to their native land as free men, leaving behind the
remains of 70,000 who slaved and died in the colony.
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